KABEERWALA: President Jamiat-e-Ulema Islam (Samiul Haq faction) Maulana Samiul Haq while utilising the Difa-e-Pakistan Council platform, said on Tuesday that Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf (PTI) chief Imran Khan did not want to anger US just so that he could gain power in the country. He was talking to media after meeting party officials in Kabeerwaala. Haq said his party did not want alterations or modifications in the current political system, but a complete change of the system. The JUI-S president, reacting to the PTI Chief’s decision not to attend the Difa-e-Pakistan Council, said that while the Council had no political destiny, Imran Khan did. He alleged that the former cricketer, unlike them, sought power. The JUI-S president said that Khan had been trying to put PTI on both boats of religious groups and the US. Those boats are on completely different and divergent paths, Haq said. He warned Khan that he would not be able to use religious groups for coming to power and have US support at the same time. Haq said that he and his party harboured hatred against the prevailing political system of Pakistan. Though, at the same time, he maintained that his party had no interests in politics, only the enforcement of an Islamic system. He claimed that they had public support to overthrow the current American system. He claimed that millions of people had attended their conventions all over the Pakistan under the umbrella of Difa-e-Pakistan, and that this was clear evidence that people of Pakistan too did not want a political system ruled by US. “Our gatherings are a clear message to US and it is a referendum for the government of Pakistan to immediately reconsider relations and foreign policy for US and its allies,” Haq said. Religious parties united under the Difa-e-Pakistan umbrella were sufficient to counter the strategies of US and make the US and its allies run away from the region including Afghanistan and other Muslim countries. He said that the image was wrong that US, India or Israel was afraid of Pakistan’s atomic capacity. In fact, Haq claimed, they were afraid of religious madarsahs, mosques, beards and turbans. “Let them be afraid from these realities of our ideology and foundation,” the JUI-S chief said. REFERENCE: Imran Khan catering to religious parties just to gain power: JUI-S By Owais Jafri Published: February 1, 2012 http://tribune.com.pk/story/330216/imran-khan-catering-to-religious-parties-just-to-gain-power-jui-s/
Difa-e-Pakistan/JUD Death Threat to Pakistani Media (Capital Talk - 13th Feb 2012)
Imran Khan VS Sheikh Rashid Ahmed
Hatred is a powerful motivator. Until the clerics made common cause against America, the six hard-line party leaders were rivals. They stormed each other's mosques and split hairs over ideological disputes dating back to Islam's early days. Their differences were stark: some worship at the tombs of local Sufi saints; others dismiss that practice as blasphemy. Most of the parties want their women veiled from head to toe, although more liberal groups argue that it ought to be the woman's choice. The personalities of the parties' leaders have also clashed. Qazi Hussain Ahmed from the Jamaat-e-Islami is a cultured, well-traveled cleric who speaks with the measured finality of a judge passing a grim sentence. Several of his new brethren, in contrast, are unquestionably flamboyant. Maulana Fazlur Rehman wears robes of golden thread and was dubbed "Maulana Diesel" after allegations were made�though never proven�that he was involved in a fuel scam. Maulana Samiul Haq earned the nickname "Sandwich Sammy" after being photographed (presumably by Pakistani intelligence officers) in an inventive position with several bedmates. "We have our differences, some of them centuries-old," concedes Ahmed, "But we have enough in common." REFERENCE: General's Election By Tim McGirk / khana-khel Monday, Oct. 07, 2002 http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,361788,00.html?iid=chix-sphere
Madame Tahira & Mawlana Samiul Haq Sex Scandal THE MUSLIM 19 Dec 1992 p 6
AKORA KHATTAK: Located at Akora Khattak on the main Grand Trunk (GT) road between Rawalpindi and Peshawar, the Jama Darul Uloom Haqqania is regional centre of religious instruction and has been a source of both inspiration and muscle for the Taliban government in Afghanistan. The institution has been the ideological training ground for several hundred Afghan Talibs (students), who have gone on to join the ranks of the Taliban militia in Afghanistan. The Afghan border lies a five-hour drive via Peshawar, the capital of the Frontier province and an important way station for Afghanistan. The institution, which comprises primary and secondary schools and a seminary where hundreds of students study and live, is headed by Maulana Sami-ul Haq, a former senator and religious figure in his own right. In a hall, the Maulana holds court, he is busy lamenting with some of his subordinates over why his institution has to pay electricity charges when it is working in the cause of Islam. "In a Muslim country like Pakistan, our institutions should be exempt," he says to no one in particular. Sami-ul Haq has gradually withdrawn from public life and engrossed himself more in his work at the madarssas and towards what he calls, the "glorious spread of Islam." The bearded Sami-ul Haq, nearing 70, has been a bitter critic of Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif ever since the two parted ways in the early 90s. This parting resulted in the now infamous media cell of Sharif PMDN party publicising the interviews of a certain Madam Tahira, who is supposed to have kept a house of pleasure in Islamabad and whose clients included the rich and famous. In her interviews, Madam Tahira talked about Maulana Sami-ul Haq and certain "positions" he favoured. The media lapped it up and had a ball. Even today some papers refer to Sami-ul Haq as "Sammy Sandwich" in reference to those interviews. While Sharif managed to get Sami-ul Haq off centre stage politics in Pakistan, he may have helped propel the maulana's energies in working towards a "true Islamic revolution in Pakistan," in the words of the maulana. At his institution in Akora Khatak he trains young men wo go forth and propagate the supremacy of the Quran. "There is no other way," says Sami-ul Haq, adding "unless we have supremacy of the Quran, we cannot thrive as a nation." But the maulana isn't impressed with the efforts of Nawaz Sharif towards Islamisation. Commenting on the proposed Shariat Bill, Sami-ul Haq says that it is "only a lollipop". He says that politicians in Pakistan "take refuge in religion when there are other problems at hand." Turning his attention to Afghanistan, he says that the Taliban are not the bad people they have been made out to be. "Look at the violence that was prevailing because of the in-fighting of the so-called Mujahideen. Nobody was safe. Now things have changed for the better," he says. He says Pakistani politicians have used the Taliban card to gain sympathies for themselves from the West: "Benazir Bhutto tries to sell herself as a moderating force. But she is a compulsive liar and a thief." If there is any development that Maulana Sami-ul Haq welcomes in the past year in Pakistan, it is the detonation of a nuclear device. "We have proved our manhood to Mother India," he says with a hint of sarcasm. But he warns that the Pakistani bomb is in the wrong hands; according to him. Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif will sell out to America. A tour of his institution reveals a wide array of classrooms, prayer areas, dormitories and exercise grounds. There is even the office of a magazine which the institution publishes and a library. Most interesting was block for central Asian students. Buried in one courtyard is Maulana Abdul Haq, the founder of the institution and father of Maulana Sai-ul Haq, who came to Akora Khattak from Deoband to establish this centre for religious instruction in 1972. When asked whether he sees an Islamic revolution taking place in Pakistan. Sami-ul Haq predicts: "In the next few years." He argues that things have got so bad and people are so frustrated with their leaders that Islam is the only force that they can turn to. And as an afterthought, the maulana says: "And it is here at places like the Dar-ul Uloom that we will provide the next generation of leaders, like we have done for Afghanistan. Here we give out puppets the ultimate weapon - the power of the Islamic knowledge. REFERENCE: In 'Sammy Sandwich' Country, They Get Ready for Islamic Revolution Express visits training school for Taliban, headed by Maulana Sami-ul Haq who disappeared from Centrestage after sex scandals. 7th February 1999 The Indian Express By: Kamal Siddiqi http://www.jammu-kashmir.com/archives/archives1999/99february7.html
US AID for Jamat-e-Islami & GO AMERICA GO of Jamat-e-Islami.
MULTAN (February 16 2005): Farooq Maudoodi son of founder of Jamaat-i-Islami, late Abul Aala Maudoodi, has said that Muttahida Majlis-i-Amal (MMA) had been created by ISI and it is a part and parcel of the military government and cannot part ways with President Pervez Musharraf. Talking to a group of journalists here on Tuesday he said: "Qazi Hussain Ahmed met the then ISI chief, General Ehsan-ul-Haq, then called on General Pervez Musharraf and later met US ambassador, then flew to United States. As soon as he returned, MMA was formed like IJI (Islami jamhoori Ittehad)." He said that IJI was organised by ISI and funds were also provided by it on the assurance of Qazi Hussain Ahmed, who had also played a key role in IJI. "Now he is playing major role in MMA." Bitterly criticising the MMA, Farooq said that the role of MMA is evidence of its loyalties with military regime. It had approved the 17th constitutional amendment which is in favour of the present regime. He said: "Where has the MMA movement gone while its leadership is claiming that it would continue till the achievement of objective of 'Uniform'?" Farooq said that Benazir knew very well about MMA and she had some reservations about it. He said that ISI has complete record of MMA leaders and they cannot escape. He said that politics ended in 1958 when Ayub imposed martial law. He said that plundering of evacuee trust property (Auqaf) and politics of clerics destroyed the politics of the country. Regarding deletion of column of 'religion' from Passport, he said that it was a good step and Ulema should have welcomed it but they made it part of their agitation to hoodwink the innocent Muslims.Farooq said that some bad things were added in the constitution by Zia-ul-Haq, which must be excluded, which had bred many ills. ends 'MMA was created by ISI' RECORDER REPORT [Courtesy Business Recorder 2005] http://www.brecorder.com/index.php?id=198267&currPageNo=12&query=jamhoori&search=1&term=2004-10-012006-12-31&supDate=
Sheikh Rashid Like Wild Women.
THE Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal is heading towards further break-up as internal differences among the already reduced “six-party alliance” have posed major threat to its existence. Despite truce on NSC issue between Qazi Hussain Ahmed and Maulana Fazlur Rehman, the ideological gulf between the two is fast widening. As frequent splits have already become a serious issue due to sole decisions taken by the two mainstream parties; especially Qazi-Baloch dominated Jamaat-e-Islami, more reasons are cropping up to bring the two heads at loggerheads. Reports suggest that Qazi Hussain Ahmed and Fazlur Rehman have entered into yet another conflict since Maulana Sherani accepted chairmanship of National Assembly’s Standing Committee. “Qazi has lodged a strong protest with Fazlur Rehman over Muhammad Khan Sherani’s acceptance of the office of chairman National Assembly’s Standing Committee of Ports and Shipping”. It is said that Qazi, seeking explanation, also talked to Sherani and expressed great sense of resentment over his becoming chairman of the Standing Committee without taking him, being head of the alliance or the MMA parties, into confidence. “Sherani told Qazi that he obtained permission from Fazlur Rehman before accepting the office whereas Fazl, in his telephonic conversation, denied to have permitted him for the same.” Qazi reminded Fazl and Sherani about the MMA and other opposition parties’ decision that they will not accept any office in the Standing Committees till the Government ensures allocation of the offices under the proportionate system. “Qazi Sahib takes the matter as a sheer violation of the party discipline.” However no disciplinary action is expected to be taken against Maulana Sherani following his position particularly in Balochistan where he is heading the MMA as well as JUI-F besides he has complete backing of Fazlur Rehman. Maulana Sherani is the second from MMA who became chairman of a Standing Committee as JUI-S Chief Maulana Samiul Haq’s son, Maulana Hamidul Haq Haqqani is already holding such position. Qazi’s JI and Fazl’s JUI, the two major components of MMA, are already facing severe differences over the issue of participation of Chief Minister Akram Durrani in NSC and a final decision is still pending. The JUI-F wants to ensure Durrani’s participation in NSC meetings whereas the JI has been left alone among the Majlis parties that are opposing such move since the council was established through an act of Parliament. The MMA parties met on June 23 here in Islamabad to take up different issues including the NSC and maybe Sherani’s acceptance of chairmanship of the Standing Committee besides forming its general council. Making of MMA (Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal) is really a great thing. But the initially formed six-party alliance has reduced to a two-party ‘marriage of convenience’. With the death of Allama Shah Ahmed Noorani MMA witnessed the demise of JUP’s active affiliation. Allama Sajid Naqvi virtually declared to quit the alliance. Maulana Sajid Mir has withdrawn his party’s participation. JUI-F and JUI-S are at daggers drawn.
JUI-F itself has further developed differences from within. Hafiz Hussain Ahmed has ‘rebelled’ probably succumbing to JI tactics. Besides, the JUI-F in Balochistan functionally withdrew its support to JUI-F Central in joining the Qazi-led movement against President’s uniform. Hafiz Hussain virtually ditched Maulana Fazl’s reconciliatory approach to have a peaceful political process in the country. It was the result of those splits with the MMA that the agitation, demonstrations, caravans and long marches ended in a futile exercise, as three parties JUI-S, MJAH and JUP-N were reluctant to join solo flight of JI and JUI-F. The recent resignation of MMA Punjab Secretary General Syed Mahfooz Mashhadi also indicated the rifts within. Mashhadi alleged that MMA president and JI Amir Qazi Hussain Ahmed and MMA Secretary General and JUI-F chief Maulana Fazlur Rehman have created like-minded people in smaller parties of the alliance to easily impose their decisions. “JI leaders hold their meetings on behalf of MMA and try to impose their decisions on the other parties. The provincial leadership of MMA was totally unaware about the decisions being taken in Central Shoora meetings of MMA” he said, adding “JI leader Hafiz Idrees who is also the provincial president of MMA did not take the provincial leadership of the alliance into confidence about the decisions of the supreme council of MMA.” He disclosed that after two years Qazi Hussain Ahmed has now admitted that MMA’s decision about the support of 17th constitutional amendment was wrong. Senator Maulana Samiul Haq of JUI-S parted ways with MMA due to latter’s role in helping the ruling Pakistan Muslim League in passing controversial 17th Amendment while Markazi Jamiat Ahle-Hadith chief Senator Professor Sajid Mir was also annoyed at MMA president Qazi Hussain Ahmed and Secretary General Maulana Fazlurrehman for passage of amendment. Both the leaders have been ignoring the supreme council meetings of the MMA for a long time due to same reason. A central leader of JUP-N disclosed that small parties of religious alliance had reservation on the decision being taken by the central leadership of MMA.
However he said the central leadership was not bound to inform the provincial leadership about their decisions. According to sources Mashhadi resigned from the post of provincial secretary general due to cold attitude showed by the JI Punjab. Hafiz Idrees Ahmed of JI was appointed as president MMA Punjab without taking into confidence other smaller parties who could not activate provincial chapter so far. It is said that JUP-N central secretary general Gen. K M Azhar has constantly been interfering in the matters of JUP-N’s provincial chapter and creating a lobby in the party for not giving an opportunity to Maulana Shah Ahmed Noorani’s son Maulana Anas Noorani to become president of the party. Anas Noorani was reportedly not willing also because of the MMA leaders’ attitude towards his father. Anecdote goes that in King Mamoon-ur-Rashid’s era two Hadith tellers once attended a Juma sermon at a mosque near Baghdad where the khateeb was narrating a Hadith, attributed to the Prophet [PBUH], through their source to which both the ravians strongly objected and vehemently denied having said that. “Get off, you are not the only two with those particular names…there are a hundred Zaids and Bakrs”, was the reply. The Imam got them shunted out of the mosque. The trend of “barha letay hein zeb-e-dastaan kay liey” goes on non-stop. The Ulema today are being wrongly dubbed as fundamentalists because in the fundamentals of al-Din there is nowhere to have the facts twisted, or utilize the opportunity to one’s own political ends. This is in sheer violation of “Why ye not do what ye do say?”
The bazaar of politics is infested with masquerading and mimicry, somersaults and gimmicks, telling lies and saving skins. Machiavellian approach continues to prevail upon, come what may. The ulema who have thronged this bazaar are out to ‘Islamise’ the trade of politics to their self-aggrandizement and addiction of ‘leading’ the nation with the interpretations of their deeds on their own. It is pardonable that some of them opposed the making of Pakistan, pleading that practising Islam needs no ‘independent’ State. But it is not pardonable to continue resisting the fundamental principles of Islam. Farooq Haider Maududi, Maulana Amin Ahsan Islahi, Dr Asrar Ahmed and the latest desertion in JI Naeem Siddqui speak volumes while exposing the Jamaat leadership for its somersaults. Maulana Abul Ala’a Maududi, they say, had asked for not taking part in politics, but the vested interests allured it to low to resort to making headways in the gimmicks, no matter what the means could have been adopted. Maulana Fazlur Rehman has gone down with the legacy. He justified the “marriages of convenience” with a number of alliances, friends and foes, even PPP. Though cracks have split the Mufti-legacy today, the “marriage of convenience” goes on as a political norm. When they are asked they say in the religion it is forbidden but politics is something different. The contract of petroleum oil was a convenience and the alliance with the PPP was a marriage.● REFERENCE: The never ending split in MMA By Alya Alvi http://pakistantimes.net/2005/07/03/oped3.htm
Sheikh Rashid Flirting with Maya Khan.
Sheikh Rashid Ahmed Flirting with Begum Nawazish Ali. (AAJ TV)
Sheikh Rashid Ahmed Insulting CJ Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry.
The MMA's boycott of the inaugural session of the National Security Council remains a sort of a 'riddle inside an enigma'. How would the MMA be able to reconcile its support of the passage of the controversial (and basically undemocratic) Legal Framework Order (17th Amendment) with its boycott of the NSC - an integral part and off-shoot of the LFO? Regardless of polemics, the MMA marshalled its parliamentary vote for the LFO as an expedient pro-democracy measure, irrespective of the fact that the LFO tended to violate both the letter and the spirit of the Constitution. How can a popularly elected parliament through a joint session at all allow an elected president to stay in his military uniform as army chief even for a short period of time? Ayub, Yahya and Zia all forged devices like LFOs and 'Continuance in Force' laws to legitimize their regimes by an extra-parliamentary executive fiat. Ayub Khan and Ziaul Haq had their parliaments indemnify their constitutional violations to close the chapter of their coups. Only Yahya ended with his boots around his neck as a vanquished general. Pliant and muted through Yahya's disastrous reign, the superior judiciary came into action only after his fall to brand him a 'usurper'. Never before, however, it fell to the sad lot of an elected parliament to vote for an army chief to combine in his person the brass and the bowler hat even as an expedient move. Political pragmatism is not the same as party or individual opportunism. While the pragmatist knows where to stop, the opportunist fails to resist the fatal attraction of yet another chance, yet another pasture new around the corner. The MMA's supreme council must ask itself whether or not by supporting the passage of the LFO they did indeed commit a terminal error of judgement. And whether they did not sacrifice their reputedly principled party politics at the altar of expediency and opportunism.
Worse still, they did so at the cost of the united front they had forged with such mainstream parties as the PPP and the Muslim League-N. A major compromise was made with Gen. Pervez Musharraf's regime, now invoking the NSC as the main plank of its future governance. If such were to be the end of the military-mullah alliance, it should not be difficult to see who is the loser. The nexus has been a part of our history, either marginally as under Ayub Khan or covertly as under Yahya Khan or naked and deeply written into the system as under Ziaul Haq. Ayub's secularism as part of the military culture of British Indian Army was like an open book without any fine print. Even the prefix Islamic attaching to the Republic of Pakistan was dropped until restored under the writ of superior judiciary. That continued to be the case until the fateful day of 1965 when India attacked Pakistan along the international border, with Lahore as its principal target. Even in his first address to the nation within hours of the Indian invasion, Ayub went on to recite the 'Kalama-i-Tayyaba' in a stirring, emotion-choked voice.
His subsequent meeting with religious parties - mainly the Jamaat-i-Islami under Maulana 'Abul 'Ala Maududi - marked the beginning of the military-mullah nexus. Yahya would not have much to do with things spiritual until the induction of retired Maj.-Gen. Sher Ali Khan into his cabinet as minister in-charge of information and national affairs. He initiated Yahya into ideological lore and saddled him with the mission of protecting the 'ideology of Pakistan and the glory of Islam'. Yahya's intelligence chief, Major-(later Lieut.) Gen. Muhammad Akbar Khan made no secret of his close liaison with the Jamaat-i-Islami especially in respect of its pro-active role in East Pakistan. The Jamaat was to go even to the extent of certifying Yahya's draft constitution as Islamic. The draft was authored by Justice A.R. Cornelius, Yahya's law minister. As for Zia, he embarked on his Islamization programme even as he assumed his army command. He gave the army the triple motto of 'Iman, Taqwa, Jihad fi Sibil Lillah'. Subsequently, as president, he introduced the Hudood Ordinance and collaborated with the Americans in projecting the Soviet-Afghan war as a jihad. The country continues to pay the bitter wages of Zia's jihad syndrome. Gen Musharraf continued to recognize the Taliban's radical Islamic regime as a legacy of the Nawaz Sharif period and extend muted support to the Kashmiri mujahideen until 9/11. That was the turning point and the defining moment for the future shape of relations between a para-secular government on the one hand and jihad-oriented, religious groups on the other. Musharraf relented on his temporal stance vis-a-vis the religious group under the pressure of political necessity during the general election of October 2002. He placed the mullahs at par with university graduates to qualify for membership of his 'graduate' assembly.
The mullahs returned with strength sufficient to form coalition governments in the NWFP and Balochistan. Once in power they gradually and subtly clanged their religion-based stance into realpolitik where it suited their interest. They supported the LFO to extract from Musharraf the promise that he would shed his uniform by the end of 2004. However, when it came to endorsing the NSC by an act of parliament, they abstained from voting. Hence the present crisis. The MMA's Supreme Council, in no uncertain terms, declared its resolve to 'scrap' the NSC when it 'obtains a simple majority in the house'. The inaugural session of the NSC (June 24) was off to an unhappy and not a little ill-tempered start. Chairing the session, the president was livid over the absence of the leader of the opposition, Maulana Fazlur Rahman, and NWFP Chief Minister Akram Durrani. He took particular note of the latter absenting himself as a government functionary - a somewhat strange observation to make about an elected public leader with a party mandate of his own. The president spoke spiritedly and at some length on the rationale and functions of the NSC. Prior to the NSC, he said, there was no forum where 'key functionaries' including the opposition, provincial heads and armed forces chiefs could debate issues of national importance and 'exercise checks on each other and lend support to each other'. Of course, the defence committee of the cabinet (DCC) was always there, but hardly as a body as comprehensive as the NSC. The question now is: what other body could be either more comprehensive and competent to discuss and resolve all issues of national importance than an elected parliament? Even in the context of a best-case scenario, it won't be easy to rule out a perpetually difficult relationship between parliament and the NSC. REFERENCE: MMA and the NSC By A.R. Siddiqi - The writer is a retired brigadier of the Pakistan Army. 30 June 2004 Wednesday 11 Jamadi-ul-Awwal 1425 http://archives.dawn.com/2004/06/30/fea.htm#1